Keeping track of Besigye's lies

The Basher Media Legion, many of whose politcal preferrences were clearly known during the presidential campaigns, have taken the moral high ground in the recent stepping up of efforts to remove Yoweri Museveni from Uganda's presidency. They are calling him Idi Amin and a liar. They systematically bashed him openly and clandestinely personally, in print, on air and online before, during and, now, after the elections. They are continuing to systematiclally prop up his main opponent, Kizza Besigye, to the effect that the lies he has been telling the nation of Uganda and the world are being covered up. The reason and aim are unmistakeably meant to cause a coup in Kampala.

IN an interview with the Sunday Vision of May 10, Dr. Kizza Besigye said that Museveni didn’t fire a single shot during the NRM bush war. Below, President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni responds.

AGAIN it is my duty to enlighten the readers about the lies Dr. Besigye gave in the interview he had with the Sunday Vision of May 10. Dr. Besigye says: “Everyone who did something for the struggle, contributed to its success.” That is correct. Where did I say that only firing guns was the only contribution to the struggle?

Nevertheless, when political arguments cannot be resolved peacefully and enter the armed phase, then the military struggle becomes the main form of struggle. If you do not execute it correctly, the revolution will fail. The cooks, the doctors, and the supporters would have laboured in vain.

I am pleased to inform the readers, especially the young ones, that the National Resistance Army (NRA) executed their mission brilliantly. It is one of two or three revolutionary armies in the world that executed a protracted armed struggle and won victory without significant external support or a rear base in the crucial phases of the struggle. I can only think of the Cuban Revolution and the Red Army.

If it is true that a struggle is a “collective” effort, then where did Dr. Besigye get the arrogance to say that he, as an individual, put the NRM or myself into power? Why would it be difficult for him to simply say that he was one of those who contributed to the struggle? That revolutionary struggle has and still has its structures: the High Command, National Executive Committee and others. These are the bodies to speak for that struggle.

After the multiparty politics was introduced, a separation took place between the army, the UPDF, on the one hand and the NRM party on the other hand. Nevertheless, the UPDF has got its authorities and the NRM has got its authorities. Dr. Besigye detached himself from both and created his party, Forum for Democratic Change (FDC). How, then, does he become the spokesman of UPDF, NRM or the historical NRA?

Dr. Besigye and a few other people thought they could hijack the NRM — they miscalculated. NRM represents the best that has ever manifested itself in Uganda — patriotism, sacrifice, determination and heroism. It could not be hijacked. Eventually, they formed FDC. Let them speak for FDC, then, but not for NRM — historical or current.

Dr. Besigye, again, confirmed that he was a late-comer in the struggle, who did not bother to learn about the organisation he joined when he had the audacity, nay the ridiculousness, of saying that Museveni “never fired a single shot in the war”. It is not my job to say what Museveni did for the struggle for the people of Uganda. Even Dr. Besigye said in the same interview that Museveni contributed “tremendously”.

Coming to the specific issue of whether Museveni fired his personal gun in combat, let the reader be informed that that gentleman (Museveni) had plenty of the unpleasant opportunity to do that, such as in 1972 in Mbarara, in 1973 in Mbale, in Bunya.

That was when our resistance was young. The head of the resistance fought as a platoon commander, or a squad leader. At this time everybody is likely to fire his personal weapon — the rifle — in a section, a platoon or a company attack. This was because we were few. Although I was the leader, doing the combat planning, the diplomacy, the fundraising, I also had to fight as a leader of a platoon (30-40 people) and a squad (three people).
By 1979, our force had grown to 9,000. At this stage, although I was always leading combat, I would not have to fire my personal weapon unlike before. I was now firing through orders.

After the UPC betrayed us in 1980 and we had to resume the resistance in 1981, we, again, started small. In fact, when we attacked Kabamba, we were only 27 armed people. Again I was a platoon commander. When we attacked Kakiri on April 6, 1981, I was a platoon commander. Section commanders were Magara, Tumwine, Mucunguzi and Mugabi.

On that occasion we were only 43 armed people. We overran a much bigger force and captured equipment. We were surrounded by the Tanzanians with armoured personnel carriers for the whole day in the forest. We broke through their attempted encirclement at dusk and successfully took back to the base all the 20 captured rifles, a heavy machine gun and other weaponry.

This was the first assault mission after Kabamba and I led it myself to show the young commanders how to do it and to ensure that no mistakes were made. It was a total success. We did not even have a casualty on our side.

It was so tiresome, having to carry the captured weapons and fight at the same time. That is when we took the important decision of always attaching unarmed companies to the armed ones — so that the former carry the captured materials while the latter concentrate on the fighting. The unarmed fighters were called, jokingly, “commandos” — meaning they were so tough that they went into battle unarmed. It is because we did not have the weapons to give them.

Having shown the young commanders how to reconnoitre an enemy target, plan how to attack it, approach the target stealthily, attack it, overwhelm it and, then, withdraw safely back to base, I now left it to them to do many of the subsequent missions. Thereafter, as far as the offensive operations were concerned, I concentrated on co-ordinating the reconnaissance and the planning. However, in order to maximise the force, I would, sometimes go with the whole force like when we attacked Kabamba the second time in January 1985.

It should, therefore, be clear to the readers and young people that Dr. Besigye’s problem is that being a late-comer, he does not know the real beginnings of NRA/NRM.

He came into the struggle when the NRA was already a big force of several battalions: Mondlane, Lutta, Kabalega, Nkrumah, Ngoma Unit, the Mobile Brigade and Abdul Nasser (Black Bomber). This was in August 1982. We had, by that time, thousands of fighters although we did not have enough weapons for them yet.

By 1984, February, we had addressed these shortcomings by attacking places like Kiboga, Luwero and Masindi, from which operations we had raised almost 1,000 rifles which created a situation of strategic equilibrium between us and the opposite side.

With this level of organisation, it is no longer necessary, desirable or efficient for the commander to use his personal weapon in combat. This is because, both in defensive and offensive operations, he is in the middle of the fighting force, with forces to the front and rear.

By the time the commander of the whole force fires his personal weapon, it would mean that the enemy has overpowered the forces to the front or rear and he is now attacking the headquarter element where the commander is. I was always ready to do that but, unfortunately, I never got a chance to do so because we were always either winning or disengaging in good order. The former example was Garamba; the latter Birembo, Kirema and Kyajinja.

When I am commanding a force that overruns the enemy’s defence or repulses the enemy while we are in defence, whom do I fire at? Do I fire at my own troops, my body guards? That phase of my service had long passed before Besigye joined the struggle. Again, these are the ridiculous statements that Besigye regularly makes.

I do not talk about how Rwanda is run in respect of general development vis-a-vis public service wages. It is not correct or necessary. FDC, Besigye’s party, has got MPs in Parliament. They know the priorities of the budget and that is what they should talk about.

The Presidential jet is a security asset and not a luxury asset. Given the historical struggles that have been going on in this part of Africa, it is only somebody with questionable motives that would fail to see this point or pretend that he does not see it. It is a one-time expenditure and the plane will be here for years.

Regarding State House, we are very proud that instead of the dilapidated colonial building the NRM found at Entebbe, the people of Uganda now have a national headquarter that is strong and modern. State visitors use it now. We do not have to hire hotel rooms for functions.

It is not just a State House we built. We have also built 762 health centre IIIs and 165 Health Centre IVs; 35,603 classrooms for UPE, with a target of an additional 793 classrooms for this financial year; 61 seed secondary schools; 1,000 km of new tarmac roads with 308km under construction. In addition1,159km of tarmac roads have been rehabilitated and constructed, while 575 tarmac roads are still under rehabilitation and reconstruction. NRM is a builder of buildings, institutions and people.

Dr. Besigye misinformed the readers by saying that there is no health unit in Dokolo District. I checked with the people in the area. There is a very good Health Centre IV. Remember Dokolo is a new district. We have not had time to build a hospital. It is only 20km from Lira where there is a hospital. There are also private and mission hospitals in the area, such as Amai Hospital in Amolatar District, Pope Johns Hospital Atapara in Aber Sub-county, Oyam District and Lwala Hospital in Kaberamaido.

However, Dr. Besigye, especially being a doctor, should remind himself that the greatest form of health care is prevention: immunisation, hygiene, nutrition and HIV/AIDS awareness. These account for over 80% of the sicknesses in Uganda. How does Dr. Besigye assess NRM performance in this vital area? Why is he ever silent on this; and yet he is always commenting on health and on education topics.

The infant mortality rate is now 76 out of 1,000 live births compared to 122 out of 1,000 in 1986. Average life expectancy has now climbed to 51 from a very low level of 39.6 years in 1997 according to the UNDP Human Development Report 1999.

Yes, we still have problems with the maternal mortality rate and the curative side, on account of the pilferage of drugs by health workers which we are determined to control by arresting the thieves.

Even in the area of pilferage prevention, Besigye has no credibility because his party, FDC, as well as the opposition managed, through rigging, lies and intimidation, in partnership with Kony, to win in some districts. They, therefore, control some district governments. How is their performance in fighting corruption or stealing of drugs?

The record of the districts controlled by some of the opposition groups is most deplorable. A number of them are in court over the embezzlement of the massive money we sent to them without fail. In fact the opposition-controlled areas are the worst in corruption.

There are a number of yardsticks I use to say this. One of them was the misuse of NAADS and NUSAF money. The NRM chairmen of a number of districts, such as Kiruhuura and Mbarara, alerted me first about this wastage of money.

Besides, when I move around, I notice that some of the NRM district chairmen, not all of them by any means, seem to be using the unconditional grants well. I have seen this with Kyeyune in Wakiso, Byaruhanga in Isingiro, the Kamugira-Yaguma group in Mbarara, Kyenjojo and Ntungamo although there were cases of corruption there recently. What impressed me was how these chairmen have used the unconditional grants to build district headquarters. Some of them are quite impressive.

It is quite ridiculous to utilise so much space and paper dealing with these lies. However, the Banyankole say: “Rufu kweba etagizire nshoni, omuziiki tabwerabweera” – literally: “If death is not ashamed to kill a person, the undertakers should have no reason to fear to bury the dead man.” If Besigye is not ashamed to tell lies, I will not be shy to shoot those lies down.

The writer is the President of the Republic of Uganda

What Uganda's biased mainstream media won't tell

By Pamela Ankunda 15-04-2011 In September 2007, representatives from Civil Society organizations, Religious Institutions, media, the Uganda Police Force Political parties, Parliamentarians, the Justice and Order Sector all gathered at a workshop in Entebbe to discuss among others, frameworks governing the freedom to assemble and to demonstrate and off course, on top of the agenda was the role of the Police in such. This meeting came as result of the statement issued by the Uganda Human Rights Commission on the previous demonstrations that had turned violent. At the time, the UHRC invited the British High Commission who in turn invited the London Metropolitan Police to organize the said training for Police officers and other actors. The meeting at the time agreed that Police had a role to play. Has this role been revoked now? In that same workshop, a task force was drawn-Civil Society inclusive to draft the guidelines on Public demonstrations that were later discussed to make up a final draft of the same. Today, these are guidelines on which demonstrators and the Police should act. Basing on International Human Rights standards and norms, the workshop resolutions provided the most acceptable norm of what a procession should be. Obviously, they agreed that there was a challenge but in spite of that, developed consensus especially, on the limitation of the right to assemble and demonstrate. The meeting agreed that while we can demonstrate, that right is not absolute, it should be in public interest, should be justifiable and acceptable, and even when Police permission is not required to hold demonstrations, it is required in gazetted and restricted venues. I don’t know then where we place a citizen who chooses to sit right in the middle of a Public road. In the same workshop, the role of the police was defined even further, that it must receive notices of impending public demonstrations, and hold a planning meeting with the chief Demonstrator at least 5 days or as soon as practicable before the demonstration, and assign an officer to work with the organizers by carrying out assessment risks and where there is a breach, police must stop that demonstration immediately. The organizers on the other hand are reminded to submit to the District Police Commander’s office a “completed statement of intent in triplicate 10 days prior to the intended demonstration, obtain permission from relevant offices”, ensure safety or person and property, ensure that everybody knows why they are part of that demonstration, take responsibility for all statements made to the media or the public during that demonstration, and among other roles of the participants is to avoid incitement of violence during the demonstration. Those guidelines were not issued to people living on mars; they were not discussed and agreed to by saints and angels. They were not discussed for a Ugandan city that is found in New York or Sweden. The Participants knew exactly well, that Uganda has her own set of challenges and problems, just like its citizens know too well, that a country must be governed on basics, on constitutionalism and on laws. Thankfully, members of Parliament were present in Entebbe! Unfortunately, we are engaged in semantics of “protest” and “demonstrations” and some of the media is playing right into falsities. If we want to go down to pettiness, we will argue that the opposition leaders who own petrol stations and supermarkets lower their prices; to show concern for the ordinary peasant, but we cant do that, because forces of the market economy prevail over them. Contrary to what many think though, the leaders of these protests had long before the Egypt, Tunisia and Libya events called people to action. The rising food and fuel prices that are not unique to Uganda come in handy, and off course the curse of the Arab world presents an equal opportunity. Yet Uganda is unique and no situation of “copy and paste” would apply here. But to interpret the condemnation of the Police, Mr. Kayihura ought to know better; rosaries and Bibles will do, not teargas and canisters.

An account of Besigye April 28 arrest

By Vision Reporter

ON Thursday, April 28, the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) president, Dr. Kizza Besigye was arrested. From video, photography and from talking to the Police officers on the scene, a New Vision team reconstructs the incident. Below are the events as they unfolded;

7:30am: The Police received information that Besigye was hitting the road from his house, in the walk-to-work demonstration. The demonstration is illegal and security had outlawed it. Besigye has previously been blocked from walking. The law specifies that if it is an assembly of more than three people, the Police must be notified.

8:00am: It is a drizzly morning. Besigye leaves his home in Kasangati after clashing with the Police led by James Ruhweza, who compel him to use his vehicle instead of walking to the city centre. After a verbal exchange with the Police, Besigye departs in his vehicle with a motorcade of seven other vehicles.

8:10am: As he drives through the Mpererwe areas, his motorcade reduces speed and Besigye emerges from his seat to the open roof and waves at bystanders and returns to his car seat.

8:15am: He arrives at Kalerwe. His motorcade slows down further. Besigye emerges and waves. His vehicle drives towards the roundabout at Kubbiri. Boda boda riders join in and start hooting as they mob his vehicle. He stands from his open-roof SUV and flashes the FDC V-sign. He then briefly addresses journalists from his vehicle. He proceeds to the Kubbiri Roundabout.

8:17am: Besigye returns to his car seat with the windows drown up. Within a minute, a Police vehicle approaches him with the Commander of Kampala Metropolitan Police, Grace Turyagumanawe.

Crowds are attracted to the area by Besigye’s vehicle which remains in the middle of the road as the crowd continues to swell. Police halts Besigye’s advance to the city centre via the Makerere-Kavule route.

8:25am: The Police disperse crowds to avoid accompanying the motorcade. The crowds comprising of mainly youth begin to pelt the Police with stones as well as blocking the road with boulders and sticks while chanting FDC party slogans.

8:31am: Turyagumanawe approaches Besigye whom he talks to. He (Besigye) is advised to use Mulago Hill Road to Yusuf Lule Road, link to the Mukwano Road, to Queensway and to the FDC office in Najjanankumbi.

Besigye insists that he cannot go by the Police directive which he considers unlawful. Turyagumanawe tells Besigye that it is the duty of the Police to protect life and property of the people of Uganda. Besigye insists that he is going to his bank in Wandegeya.

Turyagumanawe tells Besigye that he cannot proceed to the bank with crowds, let alone to Wandegeya, because security cannot ascertain the intentions of the crowd in the Central Business District.

He also tells Besigye that the alternative route is cleared for him and that the Police was empowered to give him directions.

Turyagumanawe tells Besigye that the situation was going out of hand and that they had to move. Besigye yields. The Police direct the motorcade to the Mulago Hill Road, instead of the earlier planned route of Makerere-Kavule.

As the motorcade moves, Besigye waves to the people from his open-roof. The crowd swells further as he approaches the Mulago Roundabout.

8:43am: At the Mulago Roundabout, a traffic Police officer waves Besigye’s motorcade to a halt and directs the vehicles towards the Yusuf Lule Road instead of continuing to Wandegeya centre. An exchange ensues between Besigye and the Police, attracting more crowds. Besigye insists he cannot go by the Police directions and has to go to Wandegeya to the bank.

The verbal duel lasts close to two hours, drawing in more crowds who chant FDC slogans and hurl insults at the Police.

The Police restrains from using tear gas to disperse the crowd that threatens to be riotous. At this point, the flow of traffic is disrupted for some minutes since the car in which Besigye is travelling, is in the middle of the road.

The Police, however, manage to secure passage for vehicles coming from Mulago and Kamwokya directions, which use one of the lanes. The human traffic keeps on flowing to the scene to witness the exchange between Besigye and the Police.

10: 25am: The standoff continues but takes on a different tempo. Plain-clothes Police officers move in to arrest Besigye. But the move is forestalled by a group of FDC youth who mount onto the vehicle and kick at the Police.

The youth are overpowered by the Police and are arrested. At the end of the violent encounter, Besigye’s car window screens are cracked.

10:36am: From within his car, Besigye is seen holding a hammer and he begins screaming at a man in a blue jacket similar to that of the Police, accusing him of attempting to smash his car window using the hammer. Besigye talks to journalists while photographers and videos capture the exchange.

10:37am: In another scene, a policeman is pulled away by colleagues from the scene with covered eyes. It later emerges that he had been sprayed with pepper.

10:39am: A man in civilian clothes emerges with a pistol. He swiftly moves to the passenger right-hand side of Besigye’s SUV and smashes the window with the butt of a pistol. Besigye is sprayed with pepper.

10:40am: It happens so fast. Besigye emerges from the vehicle wearing goggles and a nose mask to ward off the stinging pepper sprayed at him. His aides who include Francis Mwijukye as well as the driver only identified as Kato, come out of the vehicle and are led to a waiting police van.

10:41am: The plain-clothes security officer holds Besigye by the shirt-sleeve and leads him onto a waiting Police pick-up truck. He is then pushed under the seats and whisked away together with his aides Francis Mwijukye inclusive.

ABOLISH ELECTIONS: The Election-loser’s Guide To Power Minus Voters

Ladies and gentlemen, a time is coming when election losers will defy the ballot box by street mob action, designed to see how many rioters the security forces will kill before the USA intervenes.

And it is assumed that mighty USA will always intervene on the side of the mob, never the ballot, in what sages have described as the famed New World Order, which is emerging as the latest shortcut to power-minus the voters!

NEW WORLD ORDER
But is it ORDER or ODOUR? Someone has defined democracy as “the recurrent suspicion that more than half the people are right more than half the time”, which suspicion is tested via regular, free and fair elections. Another has said that while elections may not be the surest way to democracy, it is still the best there is.

Although some do not appreciate it, there are not many disasters as devastating as the perennial loss of elections to a candidate to whose defeat you have committed the rest of your life. Conversely, no victory is sweeter than the repeated defeat of such an adversary.However, the value and meaning of democratic elections may be changing with the New World Order or Odour. On reflection, it began over a decade ago in Algeria after western pressure to democratise.

The election was won by an Islamic party not favoured by Western powers and they encouraged the military to take charge, triggering a guerilla rebellion by the disenfranchised winners. Democratic elections had produced an undesirable result, which was to be avoided at all costs in Egypt, until Hosni Mubarak outlived his usefulness to imperialism; the rest is history.

WRITING ON THE WALL
Buyondo Africka Ddamulira of ‘Top Radio’ and ‘Channel 44 TV’ fame once made a remarkable observation on Dr. Badru Kiggundu’s beleaguered Electoral Commission.

This was during repeated opposition demands that it be disbanded. Buyondo said, “Someone has told me that if Dr. Kizza Besigye himself was chairman of the Electoral Commission and conducted a free and fair election, he would declare Yoweri Museveni winner…” Perhaps the originator of this remark was cracking a joke, but it later transpired that several opinion polls carried out by the opposition placed NRM and Museveni far in the lead.

However, the IPC presidential candidate, Dr. Kizza Besigye had also warned that he would not accept any result that gave NRM and (especially) Museveni victory and more ominous, he would not go to court. He boasted that he had sealed off all loopholes by which NRM cheats him and that he had benefitted from ‘rigging experts’ who had defected from NRM to his camp. That was not all; he even formed his own tally centre and won the right to announce his victory without interference from Dr. Kiggundu! Ultimately, we were reminded that if all things did not work in his favour there would be a tsunami.

OPPOSITION SPLIT
Shortly after his loss, Besigye announced that he would not recognise the president or anyone else elected through what he considered a rigged exercise. This position immediately split the opposition into two camps; those who had won and those who had lost the allegedly rigged election.

FDC politicians who emerged winners in local government polls openly stated that they would ignore these ‘orders from above’, since the said orders insinuated that every winner had actually stolen votes. Other opposition winners simply ignored the call as they celebrated their victories.

Shortly after the elections, Omugabi Mulindwa Muwonge of ‘Super FM’ warned FDC stalwarts against demanding the immediate resignation of their thrice-defeated standard-bearer. “Even before his term ends, FDC members are making the mistake of demanding Besigye’s resignation. He will do everything possible to remain relevant…” When Muwonge reminded his avid ‘Super FM’ audience of this warning last Sunday, hardly anyone could remember.

OPTIMUM CONDITIONS?
One can assume that the climate worked in Dr. Besigye’s favour when it inflicted a drought on Uganda.

Then came tremors in the Oil Industry, which sent prices spiraling throughout the world. In Uganda, petrol reached 3,500/- and triggered the now famous WALK-TO-WORK campaign that saw big wigs with full tanks opting to ape what ordinary Ugandans have been doing for years. Incidentally, none of these had walked or even protested in 2007, when at the height of the Kenya Elections Fiasco, petrol was going for no less than 10,000/- Whatever roles history and geography might have played, the fact is the situation worked in Dr. Besigye’s favour, attracting lawless mobs to his solo-walk like bees to nectar.

No doubt our former National Political Commissar knew that his magnetism would attract all categories; you cannot blame the lighted candle for attracting many ugly moths among the few beautiful insects. But leaders are not mere candles and Dr. Besigye knew (if not hoped) that in trying to control the mobs, the security forces would kill and maim hundreds.

There is growing evidence of ‘paid mobs’ and many brethren in the Diaspora are being invited to contribute to ‘the revolution’ in exchange for juicy and lucrative posts when they fly in here after victory.

Some crudely printed leaflets claiming origin from Massachusetts actually pray for a massacre by security forces, which, they say, would give President Barak Hussein Obama no option but to invade Uganda and save the ‘peaceful walkers’ from Museveni. And at the head of the victorious peaceful marchers would be the Chief Walking Worker, retired Colonel Dr. Kizza Besigye, who would become President of the Republic of Uganda. At least one senior priest is said to be itching to preside over that swearing-in ceremony!

ABOLISH ELECTIONS
It is this failure to trigger a massacre, that has so infuriated ‘CHAOS INVESTORS’ like ex-NASA operative Vincent Magombe that they narrate the massacres on BBC as having already taken place! Our security forces have maintained remarkable resilience in the face of tremendous provocation, an endurance for which we can only thank the Commander in Chief and God Almighty. My prayer is that it lasts forever, but some are praying that it snaps tomorrow!

This is the new short-cut to power after losing an election. (a) Take advantage of the vagaries of nature, such as drought and explain them away as blunders by the state (b) Ignore international price fluctuations for essentials like oil and offer impossibilities as solutions (c) Brief, ‘equip’ and deploy the media at potentially explosive flashpoints (d) Lure mobs of idlers into orgies of anarchy and looting, which invite robust action from security forces and (e) Await results after the massacre.

But why not simply abolish elections and settle for the candidate who OUTWALKS the rest?

MOBOCRACY: If defeated candidates can mobilise such street support, why not abolish elections and swear in leaders with the largest columns of marchers? This New World Order stinks!

Sevo goes toe-to-toe with one of the Media Basher Legion

Imagine the cheek of the Bashers. They are celebrating that they managed to make Sevo show his anger in the interview with Basher Media Legion member, NTV Kenya's Linus Kaikai. What arrongant children they are: Sevo is supposed to keep his reactions in check while a Basher has every right not to resist the urge to bash. Well, he's met Sevo and he now knows that he's doesn't take crap and can take as much as they give.

Now 25 years in power and counting but trying times are beckoning for President Museveni. The opposition’s walk-to-work campaign is not only bringing out the worst of Ugandan security agencies but also ironically putting on the spot the man credited for pulling Uganda out of years of oppression and misrule. So is the President losing the shine? We bring you an edited version of his interview with NTV Kenya’s Linus Kaikai.

Interview starts with a video clip of Dr Besigye attempting to walk to work and the subsequent brutal arrest and torture by state agents.

Mr President, many people have compared what we have just seen in the video clip with what used to happen during the years of former President Idi Amin Dada. How does it make you feel when comparisons are made between your style of rule and that of Amin?
Well, it just shows that you are not serious, you [Kaikai], who is reporting all this [pointing at the screen showing Besigye being tortured].
You did not show when people were stoning the police or when they were attacking vehicles. Cars were destroyed in Kampala, damaged, but you do not show it there. That is a partial story. But even if it is a partial story, why should a civilised leader resist the police. If they say come with us, why do you resist? Why don’t you go along with them and see what they want to do?

We have not seen any resistance Mr President in that clip. We have seen policemen breaking windows of the vehicle of the leader of opposition?
No no no! First of all Besigye was walking, the police blocked him, they said you come with us. He should have cooperated with them. That’s what civilised people do. But he didn’t.

Talking of civility Mr President, was it civilised for police to behave in the way they did?
Yes, there could be some mistakes but the original mistake is for a mature person, a leader, not to be exemplary in following the law. These young people can make their own mistakes but how about me? I should be an example.
I am a mature person if I have a point of view and these young policemen say come with us, and I cooperate with them. But not to struggle with these young people, because they could make mistakes.

You call them young people but they are the police and security agencies of Uganda. Are you concerned with what their actions will do to your personal image?
Ah, my image will not be touched by this [pointing at the screen] because my image is based on substance.
Mr President I want to quote you in 1987 a year after you came to power. You said Uganda had gone through a traumatic period because Idi Amin and Milton Obote didn’t respect the rule of law. What do you say to critics who today say the same of you?
[Toughing the tone] That gentleman, Besigye, who was being arrested, was being taken to court. Do you know what Amin used to do? Murder them and throw them in River Nile for the crocodiles. I have not heard of Besigye’s body floating for the crocodiles to eat.

What about the manner of his arrest?
[Visibly annoyed]: That may have its own problem but also how about his conduct? Why don’t you talk about that?

Mr President, Kizza Besigye is the ace of the Ugandan Political opposition. Would you say the government of Uganda has treated the Opposition in Uganda the way civilised and democracies should treat the opposition?
Yes. The opposition should be civilised. First of all he didn’t inform the police. Yes, you have the freedom to demonstrate but the police have got powers to regulate public assembly.
If you want to demonstrate but I am selling tomatoes where you want to pass and the third party comes in to mediate our interests, that is how civilised societies are organised.

Three or four times we have seen Dr Besigye trying to make this walk to work and in all of those incidents we have not detected any violations. You are talking about planning to step on tomatoes?
That’s what they were planning. Because the police has intelligence, they know that this walk is supposed to attract a group which will then start looting. But if I ask you a question, you the evangelist of civilisation; What is so hard with a civilised political leader coordinating with the police? After all, we were doing it during the just-concluded elections. All of us were under the Electoral Commission [EC]. I could not hold a rally without informing the EC.

Your government has not allowed public demonstrations since the elections?
Because they do not inform the people they are supposed to inform [repeats it].

In a few days, you will be sworn in for a new term. What is your agenda this coming term considering the events of the past few days? We look at the mandate you got during the elections and it was quite high but looking at the mood in the country now, there is a bit of a gap between the mandate you commanded in the February polls and the state you find yourself in politically today.
Well, I do not see the gap. The gap is that when we voted, about five million voters supported us. There are those who didn’t vote for us, about two million voters, so there is no gap. Our programme is to deal with the foundation. This hotel in which you are smartly dressed is because of the foundation. Without a foundation there is no way this house can be here.

It’s been 25 years Mr President and the foundation has not been completed yet?
Well, you did not hear what the foundation is. The foundation has a number of items. Electricity is one of them, roads, railway, education. There are many elements. In the past 25 years we have dealt with some elements.

Would basic freedoms be part of that foundation; would freedom of speech, freedom of expression, freedom of assembly, democratic practice and expansion of political space be part of that foundation we are talking about?
It so happens that those are the things I fought for. That’s what I fought for. We fought for those freedoms. But they must be exercised with discipline. I am now dialoguing with you but if you step on me, then the dialogue will have to be stopped. But why do you have to step on me? Why don’t you regulate your behaviour as I regulate mine? Maybe there is a neutral regulator who regulates us such as the police, the electoral commission, the courts. Why don’t you respect those regulators?

All the three regulators that you have mentioned, the police, the EC and the courts, your critics feel are 100 per cent in your hands. They are not exactly free to pay umpires.
Oh! That must be new information now. Because the only body which we disbanded when we won the civil war was the army. We inherited all the other institutions; the civil service, even this police.

Talking of the foundation and these institution that you do mention; we do remember that you had beginnings by fighting a liberation war when your were young and leading the NRA; and it would have been expected that after many years, 25, we would see the de-politicisation of the army but we see and what we witnessed during the elections was the continued politicisation of the army. The army continues to play a very big role in Ugandan politics. When is this going to end?

What did they do in politics?
They are very visible. They are in polling stations, they are almost a very active player.
No, they are not in polling stations. Each polling station is manned by one [police] constable. The army is only in the zone not in the polling station, they back up the police in case somebody wants to cause trouble.
There are still parliamentary seats reserved for the army.
Yes. There is no harm in that because the army was responsible for the liberation of the people of Uganda. All development we have is because of the work of the army. There is no harm in having 10 seats out of 340, I think, such a huge number. But the army is there and they engage in discussions when there are national issues of great importance otherwise, they just keep quiet and watch what’s happening.

We would like to hear your own broad assessment of the state of democracy in Uganda considering that you came from a single party system, [Movement] now to a multi-party system. Where is Uganda?
Uganda may be, I suspect maybe the most democratic country in the world [opens his eyes wide open] because we have 238 directly-elected seats which are competed for on merit by parties. We have 112 special seats for women, five seats for people with disabilities, five seats for youth and five for workers. I have not heard many systems in the world which take into account those interest groups. So if I were to give a lecture on democracy I think I would have good credentials to do so.

Was it a positive move that the presidential term limits were removed?
Yes. We removed the Presidential term limits because the problem of Africa is not term limits. The problem of Africa is the fundamentals which I was talking about: electricity, roads, and education.
Another challenge is integration; making countries of Africa to come together so that we have viable economic units. If people are voting and they want to vote this candidate or vote out the other one; that is there choice and that is the benchmark. That’s the lowest common multiple to determine whether a system is democratic or not.
About these term limits, that is according to individual countries. Many countries do not have that term limits.

So the persistent question would be when would you leave office?
When my party decides to have another candidate because it is the party which puts forward another candidate or when I decide not to present myself.
The struggle which we have been engaged in for the last 45 years to bring up Uganda and if possible also bring up Africa, is the one which guides our choices whether I should participate or not.

But are you concerned with some of the turns that have attended to similar examples where we have limitless terms. In Egypt, Hosni Mubarak was there for very many years, same to Ben Ali of Tunisia. Are you concerned that this sort of resentment can eventually catch up with President Museveni of Uganda?
Well I do not know the system in Egypt or Tunisia. I don’t know how competitive they were. Were they competitive systems? I do not know.

They had no term limits
There are no term limits in the UK, France or Israel. I do not know whether its there in Germany. Have you done the census to know how many countries have term limits or not? Therefore, the crucial thing is the competitiveness in the political system. Was the system in Egypt competitive enough? I do not know. How about the one in Tunisia?
But as far as Uganda is concerned the system in very competitive. There is no limit on the number of parties, no limit on who can contest.

Uganda is the only country in the East African Community without term limits. Does that make you feel like you are the odd one out?
No. That is our system. And when we form the East African Federation, we shall see how to harmonise. If the rest want term limits then I will support them. But work on the Federation through your radio. In addition to talking all these little things you keep taking about, talk about the East African Federation. Okay?

We thank you very much Mr President.
Thank you.

Bad News for Common Ugandan: Besigye Inspires Possible Kenya Unrest

From Daily Nation

By LUCAS BARASA lbarassa@ke.nationmedia.com

The stage was set for a confrontation as the workers’ umbrella body on Sunday threatened a national strike and protests similar to those that have rocked neighbouring Uganda. Rejecting the government offer of a 12.5 per cent increase in the minimum wage during the Labour Day celebrations at Nyayo Stadium, Central Organisation of Trade Unions secretary-general Francis Atwoli insisted on nothing less than the 60 per cent earlier demanded.

Labour and Human Resources Development Minister John Munyes announced that the 12.5 per cent increase would increase the minimum wage from Sh7,334 to Sh8,250.75 per month. The minimum wage could have stood at Sh11,737 if Cotu demands were met. Mr Munyes angered the small crowd when he announced the increment. He said this year’s increase was better than last year’s 10 per cent rise as the economy is not doing well. He said the country was experiencing a drought, which had forced the government to remove exercise duty on maize, wheat and kerosene.

Rain disrupted the ceremony

“The government has added 12.5 per cent to last year’s increment bringing the total to 22.5 per cent,” Mr Munyes said before abruptly cutting short his speech due to rain, which disrupted the ceremony.

He said that Sunday’s Labour Day was the first since the passage of the Constitution that guarantees the right of workers to social protection. “It is your right to get food, shelter and jobs. The government has tried, but still there are some difficulties. There’s huge wage gap between a few people who earn big salaries and those who get very low ones,” Mr Munyes said.

Mr Atwoli said it was workers who make the economy grow, and they are ready to die fighting for their rights. Mr Atwoli led workers in chanting “Besigye! Besigye. Besigye!” in support of Uganda opposition leader Kizza Besigye, who is undergoing treatment at Nairobi Hospital following beatings by Uganda police for leading protests over the rising cost of living. (READ: Besigye says Uganda protests to continue)

Mr Atwoli said Uganda President Yoweri Museveni should have learnt from what happened to former Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak and his Tunisian counterpart Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali, who were forced out of power following demonstrations in their countries over high cost of living. He also demanded the immediate release of a Kenyan arrested for asking Mr Museveni questions when he visited the country on Saturday. He said the protests to be led by Cotu would be worse than those seen in other countries. “If the coalition government does not change, it should leave its window open and its leaders wait to see what they will hate,” Mr Atwoli said.

The Cotu boss decried the absence of President Kibaki and Prime Minister Raila Odinga at the workers’ day fete, saying, they had promised to attend. Federation of Kenya Employers chairman Cleopa Maillu said workers should join hands with employers during the difficult economic times to develop the economy and create more jobs. He said problems should be solved in peaceful ways. Mr Maillu said FKE would work with Cotu and government to meet workers’ demands and implement new salaries. Nairobi Mayor George Aladwa said the minimum wage should be raised to more than Sh20,000. Former MP Paul Muite said very few Kenyans were employed and that even if the salaries were increased many, have no jobs.

“The President and Prime Minister should have joined the workers and give them direction even if the times are bad,” Mr Muite said. The celebrations were turned into a forum for participants to stage protests over high costs of living with some heckling, shouting and waving placards demanding reduction of prices of maize flour and fuel. There was commotion when an NGO official who was once arrested for disrupting a presidential function at Nyayo National Stadium arrived wearing a sack listing problems facing the poor.Mr Munyes and Kisumu Town East MP Shakeel Shabir were the only MPs present.

Mr Atwoli said the President did well not to attend as people were angry due to rising cost of living and would not have accepted a minimum wage rise of less than 60 percent. He said Cotu will hold a conference in Kisumu on May 21 to start its protests and another with the National Council of NGOs and other groups “to decide on the leadership of this country.” “We are calling for full implementation of the Constitution, and if nothing is done by August, the labour movement will take over by force.

“We will come here (Uhuru Park) and make it our Tahrir Square”, a reference to the park in Cairo where daily protests led to President Mubarak’s removal from power.

Mr Atwoli charged that a few Kenyans owned excessive wealth, while a majority languished in poverty. “For example, 10 per cent of our total population controls 43 per cent of our Gross Domestic Product while together with capital owners, they own 70 per cent of our GDP. Less than 30 per cent goes to workers and others,” Mr Atwoli said.